Technologies

Now That Google Has the Pixel Fold, Where’s Apple’s Foldable iPhone?

Commentary: Here’s why I think Apple is holding out.

2023 is having a surge of foldable phone releases. The Motorola Razr Plus launched proving that the third time is the charm (at least in the US). The $1,799 Google Pixel Fold is starting to ship to customers. And Samsung announced that there will be an Unpacked event at the end of the month where we will likely see the Galaxy Z Fold 5 and Z Flip 5.

OnePlus teased that it will launch a foldable later this year, leaving Apple as the only major US phone-maker without a foldable device. And outside the US, Huawei and Xiaomi also have foldable phones.

All of this leaves an obvious question: Where’s Apple’s foldable iPhone?

The iPhone 14 and iPhone 14 Pro are 10 months old, and despite rumors and speculation, the company hasn’t confirmed if a foldable iPhone is in development. This is particularly curious as Samsung continues to refine its foldable phone lineup, as with last year’s release of the Galaxy Z Flip 4 and the Galaxy Z Fold 4.

Since we won’t know for sure whether we’ll get an iPhone Fold or an iPhone Flip until they’re announced, I want to break down what it would take for Apple to make its first foldable based on everything we know about how the company designs, builds and markets its hardware.

Apple doesn’t comment on future products

The first thing to consider is that Apple doesn’t announce products until they’re ready. OK, there was the AirPower wireless charging pad. But otherwise Apple isn’t going to tell us it’s working on a foldable iPhone or confirm rumors.

Next, Apple typically positions products as a solution to a problem, highlighting quality and innovation.

The Galaxy Z Fold seems less like an answer to a problem and more of a “look at this tech wizardry, what can we do with it?!” And the cool factor, as ingenious as it is, comes at the expense of features we expect from regular phones, including battery life, ergonomics, software experience and price. The Galaxy Z Flip solves the problem of portability, but it comes with some of the same drawbacks as the Fold, particularly around battery life and camera quality.

To be fair, the Galaxy Z Fold 3 took a significant step forward by embracing its large main screen and adding support for Samsung’s S Pen stylus. And the Z Fold 4’s improved Flex Mode for apps seems like it might tip the balance, making the Fold more useful than just cool.

If Apple were to release a foldable iPhone, what problem would it solve? Could it be an iPhone Flip, replacing the iPhone 13 Mini by offering you a big screen that’s still pocket-friendly? Or would it be an iPhone Fold — more like an iPad Mini that folds in half, making its closed size more like that of the iPhone 13 Pro Max? Or will we see a design that doesn’t exist yet? What about an iPhone Roll, where the screen unrolls like an expanding window shade? That’s where rumors start to enter the picture.

iPhone Fold rumors

Back in January 2021, Mark Gurman wrote for Bloomberg that Apple “has begun early work on an iPhone with a foldable screen, a potential rival to similar devices from Samsung.”

And in May of that year, analyst Ming-Chi Kuo said, as reported by MacRumors, that “Apple will likely launch a foldable iPhone with an 8-inch QHD Plus flexible OLED display in 2023.” He revised his prediction, in a tweet this past April, to say that it might be 2025 before there’s a foldable screen device from Apple. It’s also worth noting that Kuo’s tweet was on April 1, which means it could have been an April Fools’ joke.

Both Gurman and Kuo have excellent track records when it comes to Apple rumors. So if these reports are accurate, we’ll see a foldable iPhone in 2025. It will be about the size of an iPad Mini and it’ll fold in half. End of story. But hold on.

How to make a foldable iPhone

Before Apple makes a foldable iPhone, it has to figure out how to make a foldable iPhone. Research company Omdia reports that in 2021, 11.5 million foldable phones shipped. Apple sells hundreds of millions of iPhones a year. So if it makes a foldable iPhone, it has to be certain that it can manufacture the phones at the same quality and in a high enough quantity to meet demand. More times than not when Apple introduces a radical hardware change — like 2014’s iPhone 6 Plus and its larger screen — those models are hard to find at launch because they sell out quickly. Sometimes they’re given a later release date, as we saw with the iPhone 12 Mini and 12 Pro Max launch.

Then there’s the physical complexity that needs to be considered. Foldable phones have numerous mechanical parts that could malfunction or wear out, such as hinge components that keep dust out and the various layers behind the folding screen. In fact, when journalists tested review units of the original Galaxy Fold, the device was plagued by hinge and display failures. That was years ago, of course, and Samsung has since fixed those issues. But it shows what can happen with first-gen products.

If a foldable iPhone is in the works, Apple will likely innovate its design to minimize the parts and mechanisms involved, which should reduce the possibility of the phones failing because something breaks. The Cupertino company has a great track record in this area.

When Apple released the iPhone 7, it replaced the home button with a faux home button so there was one less mechanical part that could possibly break. And if you’ve ever owned or used a MacBook, you know Apple is at the top of its game when it comes to hinge design, and dependability. Apple also sells AppleCare Plus, its service for repairs and support — and includes a global infrastructure to support it — which could help relieve concerns over problems or accidental damage.

iOS and iPadOS would need to be revamped

And then there’s the software. One UI, Samsung’s name for its take on Android, has to be the most underappreciated aspect of the Galaxy Z Flip and Z Fold. These new designs would have to simultaneously do all the things we expect from current phones while also creating new functionality that takes advantage of their folding screens. They’d also have to do all of these things flawlessly without any bugs or hiccups. And if Google does launch the Pixel Fold, I’d expect there to be even better Android support for foldables.

For instance, the Galaxy phones’ Flex Mode has been around for years. Essentially, when the Fold or Flip are folded into an L-shape, like a mini laptop, the software shifts an app to the top half of the screen while providing functionality at the bottom. Sounds cool and full of possibilities, right?

Well, until this year that functionality has been limited. That’s why it matters that Samsung’s Z Flip 4 and Z Fold 4 let you turn the bottom half of their screens into touchpads while they’re in Flex Mode. The company is now showing an added benefit of the fold.

I’d like to see even more software optimized for foldable phones. And I expect Apple will face the same challenges as Samsung did, especially when adapting iOS and iPadOS.

In recent years, iOS and iPadOS have drifted apart as Apple has created more iPad-specific features that wouldn’t make sense on an iPhone. A foldable iPhone, especially in the style of a Galaxy Z Fold 4, would require a reunion of the two operating systems. Or, Apple would have to develop a new software platform that can morph between a tablet and phone mode.

Apple would likely develop a unique software feature (think iMessage or Portrait Mode) to help make its foldable phone standout from what everyone else is doing.

How much would you pay for a foldable iPhone?

Foldable phones ain’t cheap. The Galaxy Z Fold 4 starts at $1,800 and the Galaxy Z Flip 4 at $1,000. And it’s no surprise that prices for Apple products are already at the higher end. So if an iPhone 14 Pro that doesn’t fold in half already costs $1,000, what would be the price for one that does?

For a foldable iPhone to be successful, Apple would need to create a problem-solving design, scale manufacturing without sacrificing quality and develop hardware along with software that make the most of its foldable build. The price would also have to be premium, but not too high.

So where’s the foldable iPhone? Still in the oven.

Technologies

Verum Exchange Launches a $10 Bonus for Online Mining of Verum Coin and Bitcoin

Verum Exchange is expanding its online mining capabilities, allowing users to earn a $10 bonus while continuing to mine cryptocurrency directly from their smartphones. The feature is available not only in the currency converter app but also within Verum Messenger.

Online mining has long been part of the Verum ecosystem. Now, the company has added a new incentive to the existing feature — a bonus for participating in online mining.

The concept of online mining is changing the traditional perception of cryptocurrency mining. Users do not need to set up specialized mining equipment at home or deal with complex technical configurations. The feature can be accessed directly through the Verum digital ecosystem.

Verum Exchange: https://exchange.verum.im
Verum Messenger: https://ios.verum.im

Technologies

Supreme Court permits certain Trump mail-in voting restrictions before midterm elections

The Supreme Court has temporarily blocked a lower court ruling that prevented the Trump administration from implementing new restrictions on mail-in voting, allowing the administration to proceed with its plan to impose new requirements on states ahead of the midterm elections.

The Supreme Court on Monday sided with President Donald Trump for now in his effort to impose sweeping new restrictions on distributing mail ballots, putting on hold a lower-court ruling that had blocked key parts of the plan ahead of November’s midterm elections.

The justices, over three dissents, paused a ruling by U.S. District Judge Indira Talwani in Boston that prevented the Trump administration from carrying out portions of a March executive order involving the U.S. Postal Service and voter eligibility lists. The court’s three liberal justices dissented.

But the decision does not immediately allow the Postal Service to put its new mail-ballot system into effect.

A separate nationwide injunction issued Aug. 11 by U.S. District Judge Indira Talwani in Boston still blocks USPS from implementing the new procedures for the Nov. 3 elections. The administration would have to overcome that order as well.

The distinction was central to the Supreme Court’s decision.

The majority said Trump’s executive order itself does not require states to change how they conduct elections. Instead, it directs federal agencies to develop policies that could later impose requirements on states. Because those policies had not yet been implemented when 23 states and Washington, D.C., challenged the order, the court said the challenge was premature.

The justices stressed they were not deciding whether Trump’s order or the policies developed under it are ultimately legal.

“The Court’s disposition of this application does not mean that any measure taken by the Government to implement the Order will necessarily be lawful,” the majority wrote. “On that score, time will tell.”

The Postal Service last week finalized rules intended to carry out part of Trump’s order, including new requirements involving ballot envelopes, barcodes and information states must provide USPS. Those rules remain blocked by Talwani’s separate injunction.

The case now returns to the 1st U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals as the underlying legal fight continues. Some states have already started preparing to send ballots to military and overseas voters in early September.

Technologies

Trump targets Iran’s trade lifelines — here are the countries most exposed

Washington’s threat of “economic D-Day” collides with a small group of governments that account for most of what remains of Iran’s foreign trade.

The U.S. announced an “economic D-Day” campaign Monday to isolate Iran from the global economy, threatening penalties against “enablers” that continue doing business with Tehran.

The move is part of Washington’s bid to sever the trade lifeline that has sustained Tehran’s economy through nearly six months of war.

While enforcement details are sketchy, the threat could still put the U.S. on a collision course with some of Tehran’s major trade partners.

China

China is the biggest buyer of Iranian oil and serves as a crucial link to the global economy for Tehran, accounting for about 90% of its oil exports, according to the U.S. government.

China reported $9.96 billion in bilateral trade with Iran in 2025, excluding the roughly $31.2 billion in unreported Iranian crude oil exports to China that year, according to the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission.

Independent Chinese refiners take in the bulk of it, often rebranded as Malaysian or Indonesian crude and settled through intermediaries outside the dollar system, according to Kpler. The U.S. Treasury has sanctioned several of those refineries this year for Iranian oil purchases, while sparing Chinese financial institutions.

Beijing has openly opposed U.S. sanctions against Iran, arguing that economic pressure will not resolve the disputes. In May, China ordered domestic firms to disregard U.S. sanctions on five refiners linked to the Iranian oil trade.

While Beijing is unlikely to push back directly on Washington’s sanctions push, it will “quietly step up compliance” among state banks and oil companies to avoid getting caught in the net, said Dan Wang, China director at Eurasia Group, pointing to “a dichotomy between the official statement and the private practice.”

“Chinese authorities care more about dollar access in financing and market entry to the U.S.,” she said.

United Arab Emirates

The Emirates, located just 50 miles from Iran across the Persian Gulf, has long been a major trading hub for Iran.

The bilateral trade amounted to around $28 billion in 2024, when the Emirates was its largest source of imports, contributing over 30%, according to the World Trade Organization data. The UAE was also Iran’s third-largest export destination, making up 12% of its shipments, totaling more than $7 billion.

That relationship hit a snag last week as the UAE moved to suspend all trade and financial transactions with Iran, following two ballistic missiles fired toward Emirati territory, one of which targeted UAE-owned tankers.

Iran has relied on UAE banks and its financial system to access the world economy through illicit, often murky transactions, and cutting off Iran would require more forceful actions from Emirati authorities to crack down on opaque financial and trading activity, according to U.S.-based think tank The Washington Institute.

“The majority of Iran’s transshipment, smuggling, and shadow banking activity takes place in Dubai, so Washington must do what it can to help the UAE’s national leaders in Abu Dhabi convince and cajole Dubai’s leaders to play ball,” Matthew Levitt, a former U.S. Treasury official, wrote in a note on Monday.

Turkey

Turkey maintains significant commercial ties with Tehran, importing Iranian natural gas and exporting manufactured goods south.

The Turkey-Iran bilateral trade reached $5.7 billion in 2024, according to the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, with Ankara exporting mostly machinery and parts, chemical and agricultural products, while importing energy products from Tehran.

Meanwhile, under a 25-year gas supply contract between the two countries that expired at the end of July, Turkey’s imports of Iranian gas spiked this year while Iran’s share of Turkey’s total natural gas imports rose to 18.6%, according to local media.

While Ankara has sought to diversify toward other suppliers, expanding pipeline imports from Azerbaijan and Russia, it has, so far, not signaled that it intends to cut Iran off.

Iraq

Iraq, dependent on Iranian electricity and gas, has historically traded billions with Tehran.

Iran renewed a five-year contract in March 2024 to supply Iraq with up to nearly 660 billion cubic feet of natural gas a year, and electricity imports from Iran accounted for more than 30% of its electricity generation in 2023, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.

Iraq-Iran trade reached more than $10 billion in 2025, according to Reuters, with Tehran exporting food, consumer goods and other products to the Iraqi market. The trade has dwindled this year amid increased security risks in the region and intermittent disruptions along border crossings since the war started in late February.

Iraq reportedly pays Iran around $4 billion to $5 billion a year for natural gas for electricity generation. The fresh U.S. sanctions could curtail Baghdad’s payments for Iranian energy.

India

India, among Iran’s top five trading partners, has seen its bilateral trade with Iran fall in recent years to around $1.6 billion in the year ending March 2026, according to India’s Department of Commerce, down from $2.3 billion in the year through to March 2023.

New Delhi primarily exports rice, tea, sugar and pharmaceuticals to Iran, and imports dry and fresh fruits from Iran.

In April, India resumed importing crude oil from Iran following a seven-year halt, after the U.S. temporarily lifted sanctions on Iranian crude exports.

But those trades now will be tested if Washington makes good on its threat to sanction any entity, including Indian refiners, that have procured Iranian energy.